Roman Conquests: Egypt and Judaea, John D. Grainger

Roman Conquests: Egypt and Judaea, John D. Grainger

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Roman Conquests: Egypt and Judaea, John D. Grainger

Roman Conquests: Egypt and Judaea, John D. Grainger

Although the title focuses on Judaea and Egypt, this book actually covers the wider area of Syria and Egypt, looking not just at Judaea but her neighbours in the area of Syria once dominated by the Seleucid Empire (this includes a wider area than modern Syria, extending across modern Jordon and Israel (although with more detail on events within Judaea, at least in part because we have better sources for that area).

The first thing that strikes you is how complex the position was in ancient Syria. The collapse of Seleucid power had led to the emergence of a number of independent kingdoms, including Judaea and Nabataea. There were also independent cities and a wide range of other independent and semi-independent entities. As Pompey entered the area he had rapidly to learn about the existing situation before he could make changes, and the same was the case for each of the Roman regimes that followed.

One is also struck by the impact of the repeated changes of power within the Roman world. We start with Pompey representing the Republic. He is followed by Julius Caesar, visiting after the defeat of Pompey during the civil wars. Caesar is followed by Cassius, one of his assassins, then by Mark Antony after the defeat of the conspirators, and then finally by Augustus after his victory over Mark Antony and Cleopatra. Local leaders thus had to adapt to four changes in power, and it is quite amazing that some regimes managed to survive intact for long periods (Herod and his family in Judaea or Cleopatra in Egypt being the best known examples).

The text is very readable (although I did wonder why the author chose Kleopatra over the more familiar Cleopatra, but kept Mark Antony instead of Marcus Antonius, without even a cross-reference in the index). There is a good deconstruction of Josephus, demonstrating that many of his claims can be disproved from other reliable sources (or on occasions from later comments in his own text!).

These campaigns illustrate some of the problems faced by the Roman Empire as it reached its greatest extent. It was difficult to maintain buffer states when they were nearer to the enemy (in this case Parthia) than to Rome. The time it took messages to reach Rome also caused problems - even Augustus could be swayed by the views of the first person to reach him after a disagreement in the East. The great expansions of Roman power in the east came at periods when the man on the spot could make the important decisions (Pompey or Caesar being the best examples). Once power was centralised in the Emperor it was much harder for the local authorities to respond quickly to threats or opportunities, and even when they did their decisions were never final. This is a fascinating read and helps explain why the expansion of the Roman Empire came to an end.

1 - Judaea: Pompey's Conquest
2 - Gabinius
3 - The Emergence of Antipater and Kleopatra
4 - Caesar
5 - Herod
6 - Kleopatra
7 - Octavian
8 - Holding Egypt: A New Roman Frontier
9 - The Arabian Expedition
10 - The Judean Problem
11 - Kings and Governors
12 - The Jewish Rebellion: Campaigns in the Country
13 - The Jewish Rebellion: Vespasian's Approach
14 - The Jewish Rebellion: Jerusalem
15 - The Jewish Rebellion: Aftermath
16 - The Desert Frontier

Author: John D. Grainger
Edition: Hardcover
Pages: 256
Publisher: Pen & Sword Military
Year: 2013

The Roman Emperor Aurelian – John F. White

Alternative History tends to fall into two flavors – one is that what happened historically was fixed and unchangeable, or that every tiny contingency will lead to a huge divergence instantly. Viewed from the future, the Roman Empire appears to be a monolith that existed without change for centuries, until it came to its inevitable end. The reality shows that the end of the Western Empire was less clearly inevitable – despite its weakness, nobody wanted the empire to end. Rather, both the invading tribes and the current residents all wanted to find their place in an ongoing system, but the disruptions of the time were enough to make it impossible to support the overarching government on the scale of the Empire.

Centuries before this, when the Empire was far stronger, there was a huge crisis that nearly tore the entire Empire apart. In fact, for decades the Empire was divided into three separate entities, as the provinces of Britain, Gaul, and Spain broke away to defend themselves. In the East, in the midst of Persian invasions most of the East broke away under the domination of the city of Palmyra.

Elsewhere, the Goths first made an appearance, sweeping through the center of the Empire and overrunning and sacking parts of Asia Minor, Greece and the Balkans. One Emperor, Valerian was captured by Persia. His son, Gallienus, seemed unable to fight the combination of the Goths and the unruly troops that routinely created new Emperors,

While the Empire was down, it wasn’t out. In the central third, the army was developing a group of officers from the Illyrian provinces that would dominate for the next fifty years and more.

Signs of recovery started even before Gallienus’ murder in 268. The limited records of the time record a victory over the Goths, and there are signs that he created a reserve “reaction force” that was able to ride and respond to the raiders in a more timely manner than before. Gallienus’ murder led to the naming of Claudius II Gothicus,

Claudius, too, had success in breaking up the Gothic tribes keeping the central core of the Empire on the defensive, but he died of the plagues sweeping the land. In the West, the death of the Gallic “Emperor” led to Spain returning to the central core, while in the East, the death of the ruler of Palmyra led to changes in the reverse direction.

In our time, we think of states breaking away as being due to the desire of these lands and rulers wanting autonomy and independence. In Rome at this time, almost the opposite was true. Many usurpers and breakaway states were a response to the lack of central direction, and the locals trying to stand in for the absent Imperial authority, busy elsewhere for years at a time. There was no central state apparatus to manage the regions away from he physical presence of an emperor.

At first, Palmyra followed this scenario. With the Emperor captured and the Persians running wild, the city took over defense itself and managed to defeat the Persians. The leader was actually given Imperial office by Gallienus. With his death, his wife Zenobia began to take matters in a different direction, as she took steps to acquire and manage the entire East under Palmyra. The Illyrian officers nominated another of their own, Aurelian, over a relative of Claudius, to be the next Emperor.

Within two years, Aurelian had gotten his house in order. He ordered the construction of walls around Rome, fully defeated the Goths and adjusted the borders, abandoning the province of Dacia. Now he was ready to take on the “reconquest” of the East.

Given the desire of many districts to return to Rome, parts of the advance were easy, However, the fifty years of chaos made even the simplest thing difficult. It shows the skill of Aurelian that he managed to restore the East to central rule in a few years, and that the system lived on even beyond the fall of the West in 476. Turning to the West, the approach of the army led the emperor of the Gallic Empire to essentially abdicate in his favor and Gaul and Britain returned to the fold.

Aurelian then intended to turn on Persia, but he was murdered himself by dissident officers. But the Illyrian “line” of similar thinking Emperors lived on and continued to restore and reform the state, The Emperors Probus and Carinus got the state on track and defeated Persia, although their deaths by murder show that the army still was not under full control. Diocletian then took over for 20 years of strong rule, forming the Tetrarchy. After that Constantine, another Illyrian, made Christianity the official religion of the state.

Aurelian put the Empire back on course and gave it hundreds of years of life. The book is an excellent review of a hugely under documented period of the Empire.

British Campaigns in the South Atlantic, 1805�

Between 1805 and 1807 the British mounted several expeditions into the South Atlantic aimed at weakening Napoleon's Spanish and Dutch allies. The targets were the Dutch colony on South Africa's Cape of Good Hope, which potentially threatened British shipping routes to India, and the Spanish colonies in the Rio de la Plata basin (now parts of.

Between 1805 and 1807 the British mounted several expeditions into the South Atlantic aimed at.

E-Sword 10 Module Download: Download Kent, Charles Foster - The Messages of the Bible (11 vols)

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Whole Bible Paraphrase Apocrypha Expository Topics NT History NT Survey OT Survey Textual Criticism Bible Interpretation

Kent, Charles Foster

e-Sword Version:

Part paraphrase, part commentary, part survey, and part critical notes, this massive work was likely the inspiration for the modern day "Message Bible" by Eugene H. Peterson. The difference is that this resource is not in “Bible verse format”. This resource is grouped according to natural classification and order of appearance. See the complete list of contents at the end of this description.

In addition to examining the 66 book Protestant cannon, this book also examines the Apocrypha and other ancient writings (i.e. see the review of all Apocalyptic literature in comparison with Revelation).

Although not a substitute for the Bible (see the Introduction, subsection, “How To Make Use Of A Paraphrase”), this resource offers a scholarly, reverent, appreciative, and enthusiastic reading of the Bible.

See also the companion resource by the same author: The Historical Bible (6 vols).

List of Volumes and Authors

Author Note : John Edgar Mcfadyen, one of the authors below, wrote another book also digitized by The Prayers of the Bible

Volume 1: The Messages of the Earlier Prophets
Frank Knight Sanders, Ph.D, Woolsey Professor of Biblical Literature in Yale University
Charles Foster Kent, Ph.D, Professor of Biblical History and Literature in Brown University

Volume 2: The Messages of the Later Prophets
Frank Knight Sanders, Ph.D, Woolsey Professor of Biblical Literature in Yale University
Charles Foster Kent, Ph.D, Professor of Biblical History and Literature in Brown University

Volume 3: The Messages of Israel’s Lawgivers
Charles Foster Kent, Ph.D., Professor of Biblical History and Literature in Brown University

Volume 4: The Messages of the Prophetic and Priestly Historians
John Edgar Mcfadyen, M.A. (Glas.), B. A. (Oxon.), Professor of Old Testament Literature and Exegesis in Knox College, Toronto.

Volume 5: The Messages of the Psalmists
John Edgar Mcfadyen, M.A. (Glas.), B. A. (Oxon.), Professor of Old Testament Literature and Exegesis in Knox College, Toronto.

Volume 6: The Messages of the Poets
Nathaniel Schmidt, M.A., Professor of Semitic Languages and Literatures in Cornell University

Volume 7: The Messages of the Apocalyptic Writers
Frank Chamberlin Porter, Ph.D., D.D., Winkley Professor of Biblical Theology in Yale University

Volume 8: The Messages of Jesus According to the Synoptists
Thomas Cuming Hall, D. D., Professor of Christian Ethics in Union Theological Seminary

Volume 9: The Messages of Jesus According to John
James Stevenson Riggs, D.D., Professor of Biblical Criticism in Auburn Theological Seminary

Volume 10: The Messages of Paul
George Barker Stevens, Ph.D., D.D., Dwight Professor of Systematic Theology in Yale University

Volume 11: The Messages of the Apostles
George Barker Stevens, Ph.D., D.D., Dwight Professor of Systematic Theology in Yale University

Complete List of Contents
Volume 1: The Messages Of The Earlier Prophets
--------The Beginnings Of Hebrew Prophecy
--------Characteristics Of The Prophetic Writings
--------How To Make Use Of A Paraphrase
----The Message Of Amos The Judean To Northern Israel
--------I. The Prophet, And The People To Whom He Spoke
--------II. The Opening Address At Bethel (1:2 to 2:16)
--------III. No Excuse Or Pardon For The Crimes Of Israel’s Leaders (Amos 3, 4)
--------IV. Extracts From Sermons Of Exhortation And Warning (5)
--------V. Symbolic Visions Of Impending Judgment (7:1-9, 8:1-9:6)
--------VI. The Immediate And Distant Future Of The Hebrew Race (9:7-15)
----The Message Of Hosea
--------I. The Prophet, And The Conditions Confronting Him
--------II. Earlier Sermons Delivered Between 750 And 740 B.C.
--------III. Later Sermons Delivered Between 740 And 734 B.C.
----The Earlier Prophetic Activity Of Isaiah
--------I. The Young Prophet Of Jerusalem
--------II. Isaiah’s Call To Service (Isaiah 6)
--------III. Prophecies Of Judgment Upon Judah For The Sins Of The Nation
--------IV. Incidents And Sermons Relating To The War Of Syria And Israel Against Judah
--------V. A Prophecy Regarding Phœnicia (23:1-18)
----The Message Of Micah
--------I. The Peasant Prophet Of Judah
--------II. Jehovah’s Certain Judgment Against Samaria And Judah (1:2-16)
--------III. The Flagrant Crimes Of Judah’s Leaders (2:1-12 3:1-12)
--------IV. Visions Of The Triumphant Future For The Jewish Race Restored From Exile (Micah .
--------V. Later Sermons Mourning Judah’s Degeneracy (6:1-7:6)
--------VI. The Psalm Of Penitent Israel (7:7-20)
----The Later Prophecies Of Isaiah
--------I. The Task Of The Prophet During The Years 722–700 B.C.
--------II. Isaiah’s Activity During Sargon’s Reign 722–705
--------III. Isaiah’s Activity At The Time Of Sennacherib’s Invasion Of Palestine
----The Message Of Nahum
--------I. The Prophet Of Nineveh’s Fall
--------II. Jehovah’s Nature A Pledge Of His Vengeance Upon The Wicked (1:1–15 2:2)
--------III. The Capture And Plunder Of The Lion’s Lair (2:1, 2:3-13)
--------IV. The Certainty Of Nineveh’s Fate (3:1-19)
----The Message Of Zephaniah
--------I. The Prophet And His Surroundings
--------II. Sermons Concerning The Coming Judgment
--------III. The Song Of Zion Redeemed (3:14-20)
----Jeremiah’s Prophetic Activity During The Reign Of Josiah
--------I. Jeremiah, The Young Reformer
--------II. Jeremiah’s Call And Commission
--------III. Reform Sermons
----The Message Of Habakkuk
--------I. The Date Of The Prophecy
--------II. A Dialogue Between The Prophet And Jehovah. Theme—“How Long Shall The Wicked Be .
--------III. Reasons Why The Downfall Of The Chaldeans Is Assured (2:5-20)
--------IV. The Prayer Of Faith—A Lyric Ode ( Habakkuk 3)
----Jeremiah’s Activity During The Reign Of Jehoiakim
--------I. The Changed Situation
--------II. The Reaction Against The Prophetic Teaching
--------III. Messages Of Denunciation And Warning
--------IV. The Approach Of The Chaldeans Under Nebuchadrezzar
--------V. The First And Second Collections Of Jeremiah’s Prophecies
--------VI. Reiterated Messages Of Warning And Exhortation
--------VII. Illustrated Sermons
----Jeremiah’s Activity During The Reign Of Zedekiah
--------I. The Downfall Of Judah And The Closing Years Of Jeremiah
--------II. Sermons Connected With The First Captivity
--------III. Dispelling False Hopes Of Speedy Deliverance From Babylon’s Rule
--------IV. Condemnation Of Judah’s False Leaders
--------V. Sermons And Events Connected With The Final Siege Of Jerusalem
--------VI. Messages Of Consolation
----Appendix: Books Of Reference

Volume 2: The Messages Of The Later Prophets
--------I. The Characteristics Of Exilic And Post Exilic Prophecy
--------II. The Decade Before The Final Fall Of Jerusalem And Its Two Great Prophets
----Ezekiel, The Priest-Prophet Of The Exiles
--------I. The Prophet And His Prophecies
--------II. The Imaginative Element In Ezekiel’s Prophesying
--------III. The Prophet’s Call And Commission (1:1-3:21)
----Predictions Of Ezekiel Concerning The Certain Fate Of Jerusalem And Judah
--------I. Symbolic Prophecies Of The Coming Overthrow Of City And Land (3:22-7:27)
--------II. The Vision Or The Sin Of Jerusalem And Its Consequences (8:1-12:20)
--------III. The Moral Necessity Of Judah’s Destruction (12:21-19:14)
--------IV. Final Prophecies Of Judgment (Ezekiel 20 to 24)
----Prophecies Of Obadiah And Ezekiel Against Foreign Nations
--------I. The Long-Expected Catastrophe
--------II. Obadiah’s Diatribe Against Edom
--------III. The Stand-Point Of Ezekiel’s Foreign Prophecies
--------IV. The Predictions Of Ezekiel Against Foreign Nations (Ezekiel 25-32)
----Jeremiah’s Message To The Jewish Fugitives In Egypt
--------I. The Remnants Of The Jewish Nation In The Land Of Egypt
--------II. Predictions And Solemn Warnings (Jer. 43:8-44:30)
----Ezekiel’s Messages Of Comfort To The Exiles In Babylonia
--------I. The Supreme Need Of Prophetic Ministration
--------II. Prophecies Of Promise And Cheer (Ezekiel 33 to 39)
----Ezekiel’s Vision Of The Restored Hebrew State
--------I. The Character And Importance Of The Vision
--------II. The Details Of The Vision
----Songs Of Exultation Over Babylon’s Approaching Fall.
--------I. The Rise Of Cyrus
--------II. The Date And Authorship Of Isaiah 13:2-14:23 21:1b–10 Jeremiah 10:1-51:58
--------III. Predictions Of The Fall Of Babylon (Isaiah 21:1-10 13:2-14:23 Jeremiah 50:2-5.
----The Messages Of The Great Prophet Of The Exile (Isaiah 40-55)
--------I. The Authorship, Unity, And Date Of Isaiah 40-55
--------II. The Ideal Of Service Presented In The Portraits Of The True Servant Of Jehovah
--------III. The Certainty And The Reason Of The Release Of Jehovah’s People (Isaiah 40-48).
--------IV. The Redemption Of Israel And Of Mankind To Be Secured Through Self-Sacrificing S.
----The Messages Of Haggai And Zechariah To The Temple Builders
--------I. The First Two Decades Of The Persian Period
--------II. The Personality Of Haggai And Zechariah
--------III. The Opening Addresses Of The Prophets (Haggai 1:1-2:9 Zeh 1:1-6)
--------IV. Haggai’s Sermons In Connection With The Laying Of The Foundation Of The Temple (.
--------V. Zechariah’s Visions Of Comfort And Promise (Zech 1:7-6:8)
--------VI. The Symbolic Re-Establishment Of The Hebrew Monarchy (Zech 6:9-15)
--------VII. Zechariah’s Practical Exhortation And Encouraging Promises (Zechariah 7, 8)
----Anonymous Reform Sermons
--------I. Conditions Within The Judean Community Before The Institution Of The Priestly Law.
--------II. The Message Of The Book Of Malachi
--------III. Messages Of Denunciation And Exhortation (Isaiah 56-59)
----Prophetic Messages Of Encouragement In Connection With The Work Of Nehemiah And Ezra
--------I. The Historical Background Of Isaiah 34 35 60:1-63:6 65 66
--------II. The Gospel Proclamation To The Jewish Race (Isaiah 60-62)
--------III. Vengeance Upon Their Guilty Foes And Deliverance And Honor For Jehovah’s People.
----The Message Of Joel
--------I. The Date And Theme Of Joel’s Prophecy
--------II. The Coming Of The Locusts And Jehovah’s Judgment (Joel 1:1-2:17)
--------III. The Prosperity, Inspiration And Deliverance From Enemies In Store For Jehovah’s.
----Messages Of Doubt And Hope From The Close Of The Persian Period
--------I. The Last Half-Century Of Persian Rule
--------II. The Literature Of The Period
--------III. The Wails And Petitions Of The Distressed Judean Community (Isaiah 63:7-64:12)
--------IV. The Final Judgment And The Establishment Of Jehovah’s Kingdom (Isaiah 24:1-23 2.
--------V. Songs Of Thanksgiving To Jehovah (Isaiah 25:1-5 25:9-26:19)
----Messages Of Promise To The Jews In The Greek Period
--------I. The Authorship And Historical Background of Zechariah 9-14
--------II. The Coming Of Alexander And The Prince Of Peace (Zech 9)
--------III. The Fortunes Of The Jews Under Their Greek Masters (Zechariah 10–13)
--------IV. The Judgment Of The Heathen And Exaltation Of Jerusalem (Zech 14)
----The Message Of The Book Of Jonah
--------I. The Date Of The Book Of Jonah
--------II. The Purpose And Method Of The Author Of The Book
--------III. The Story Of Jonah And Its Moral
----Appendix I: The Messianic Element In Prophecy
----Appendix II: The Relation Between The Messages Of The Prophets And That Of Jesus
----Appendix III: Books Of Reference

Volume 3: The Messages Of Israel’s Lawgivers
--------I. The Growth Of Israel’s Laws And Institutions
--------II. The Record Of Israel’s Law
--------III. The Primitive Codes
--------IV. The Deuteronomic Codes
--------V. Ezekiel’s Code
--------VI. The Priestly Codes
--------VII. The Final Completion Of The Canon Of The Law
----Criminal Laws
--------I. Characteristics Of Israelitish Criminal Law
--------II. The Two Principles Underlying Israelitish Penal Legislation
--------III. Crimes Against Jehovah
--------IV. Crimes Against Parents
--------V. Crimes Against Persons
--------VI. Crimes Against Society
--------VII. Crimes Against Property
----Private Laws
--------I. Personal And Class Rights In Israelitish Legislation
--------II. The Rights Of Persons
--------III. Conjugal Rights
--------IV. Rights Of Property
--------V. Rights Of Inheritance
----Civil Laws
--------I. Israelitish Civil Law
--------II. Political Organization
--------III. Judicial Organization And Procedure
--------IV. Popular Instruction In The Law
----Military Laws
--------I. Organization Of The Army
--------II. Ceremonial Cleanliness Of The Army
--------III. Manner Of Attack
--------IV. Regulations Regarding The Disposition Of The Spoils Of War
----Humanitarian Laws
--------I. The Humanitarian Element In The Old Testament Legislation
--------II. Kindness Towards Animals
--------III. Precautions Against Accident
--------IV. Measures Preventive Of Cruelty To The Unfortunate
--------V. Treatment Of Dependent Classes
--------VI. Various Philanthropic Provisions For The Needy
--------VII. The Remission Of Interest In Certain Cases
--------VIII. Regulations Regarding The Seventh Year Of Rest And Release
--------IX. Regulations Regarding The Observance Of The Fiftieth Year Of Jubilee
--------X. The Rights And Treatment Of Resident Aliens
--------XI. The Old Testament Law Of Love (Exodus 23:4-5 Leviticus 19:17-18)
----Religious Laws
--------I. The Prophetic Element In The Law
--------II. Israel’s Obligation As A Nation To Jehovah
--------III. Personal Obligations To Jehovah
----Ceremonial Laws
--------I. The Development Of Ceremonial Laws And Institutions
--------II. Sacred Places And Objects
--------III. Sacred Officials In The Pre-Exilic Hebrew State
--------IV. The Sacred Officials In Ezekiel’s Hierarchy
--------V. The Post-Exilic Hierarchy
--------VI. Regulations Regarding Ceremonial Cleanliness
--------VII. The Law Of Circumcision (Genesis 17:2-14 21:4 12:3 Exoodus 12:48)
--------VIII. Sacred Dues
--------IX. Sacrificial Offerings
--------X. The Pre-Exilic Sacred Calendar
--------XI. The Sacred Calendar Of The Post-Exilic Hierarchy
----Appendix: Books of Reference

Volume 4: The Messages Of The Prophetic And Priestly Historians
----The Prophetic Historians
--------I. Origins Of Hebrew Literature
--------II. The Necessity, Nature, And Value Of Hexateuchal Analysis
--------III. Date And Place Of Origin Of The Prophetic Documents
--------IV. The Progress Of The Divine Purpose In The Book Of Genesis
--------V. The World Of Sin (Genesis 2:4b-11:30)
--------VI. The Fathers Of The Hebrew People
--------VII. The Prophetic Narrative Of Exodus 1 To Numbers 32
--------VIII. The Birth Of The Nation (Exodus 1 to Numbers 32)
--------IX. Ruling Ideas Of The Prophetic History
----The Prophetico-Priestly Historians
--------I. Deuteronomy And Its Influence
--------II. The Last Words And Death Of Moses
--------III. Introduction To The Book Of Joshua
--------IV. The Conquest And Settlement
--------V. Structure And Contents Of The Book Of Judges
--------VI. Between The Conquest And The Monarchy
--------VII. Composition And Contents Of The Books Of Samuel
--------VIII. The Rise Of The Monarchy
--------IX. The Sources And Character Of The Books Of Kings
--------X. The Reign Of Solomon (1 Kings 3-11)
--------XI. History Of The Monarchy To The Fall Of The Northern KINGDOM (1 Kings 12 to 2 Kin.
----The Priestly Historians
--------I. The Priestly Narrative Of The Hexateuch
--------II. The Origin Of The Theocracy (Genesis to Joshua)
--------III. The Sources, Aims, And Ideals Of The Book Of Chronicles
--------IV. The History Of Judah To The Captivity (1 and 2 Chronicles)
--------V. Introduction To Ezra-Nehemiah
--------VI. The Restoration
--------VII. The Date And Character Of The Book Of Ruth
--------VIII. A Plea For The Non-Israelite (Ruth)
--------IX. The Character And Purpose Of The Book Of Esther
--------X. Israel’s Triumph Over Its Foes (Esther)
----Appendix I: Books of Reference
----Appendix II: Passages In The Books Of Samuel And Kings Omitted By The Chronicler

Volume 5: The Messages Of The Psalmists
--------I. The Unique Religious Value Of The Psalter
--------II. Some Characteristics Of Hebrew Poetry
--------III. Some Problems Of The Psalter
----Psalms Of Adoration
--------I. Introduction
--------II. Adoration Of God As Revealed In Nature
--------III. Adoration Of Jehovah For His Love To His People
--------IV. Adoration Of Jehovah’s Glorious Kingdom
--------V. Nature’s Call To Universal Praise
----Psalms Of Reflection
--------I. Introduction
--------II. Reflections On The Moral Order Of The World
--------III. Reflections Upon Divine Providence
--------IV. Reflections On The Value Of Scripture
--------V. Reflections On The Nature Of The Ideal Man
----The Psalms Of Thanksgiving
--------I. Introduction
--------II. A General Thanksgiving (Psalm 107)
--------III. Thanksgiving For Deliverance
--------IV. Thanksgiving For Deliverance [From The Exile?]
--------V. Psalms Of Thanksgiving [For Maccabean Victories ?]
----The Psalms In Celebration Of Worship
--------I. Introduction
--------II. The Psalms of Worship
----The Historical Psalms
--------I. Introduction
--------II. Psalms Emphasizing The Unfaithfulness Of The People
----The Imprecatory Psalms
--------I. Introduction
--------II. Psalms Of Vengeance
----The Penitential Psalms
--------I. Introduction
--------II. Psalms Expressive Of Penitence
----The Psalms Of Petition
--------I. Introduction
--------II. Prayers For Deliverance, Preservation, Or Restoration
----The Royal Psalms
--------I. Introduction
--------II. The Marriage Of The King (Psalms 45)
--------III. The Coronation ‘Anniversary Of The King (Psalms 21)
--------IV. Prayers For The King’s Welfare And Success
--------V. The Character Of The King
--------VI. The Dominion Of The King
--------VII. Yearning For The Messianic King
----Psalms Concerning The Universal Reign Of Jehovah
--------I. Introduction
--------II. Jehovah’s Universal Reign
----The Book Of Lamentations
--------I. Introduction
--------II. Earlier Laments Over The Sorrows Of Jerusalem (Lam. 2 and 4)
--------III. Later Laments Over The Sorrows Of Jerusalem (Lam. 1 and 5)
--------IV. Lament And Prayer (Lam. 3)
----Appendix I: Superscriptions Of The Psalms
----Appendix II: The Alphabetic Psalms
----Appendix III: Books of Reference

Volume 6: The Messages Of The Poets
--------I. The Poetry Of The Ancient Hebrews
--------II. General Character Of This Poetry
--------III. Form Of Hebrew Poetry
--------IV. Text And Translation
--------V. The Poets Of Israel
--------VI. The Ethical Value Of The Poems
--------VII. Their Religious Significance
----The Book Of Job
--------I. Introduction To The Book Of Job
--------II. Prologue And Epilogue (Job 1-2, 42:7-17)
--------III. Job’s Lament (Job 3)
--------IV. First Cycle Of Dialogues
--------V. Second Cycle Of Dialogues
--------VI. Third Cycle Of Dialogues
--------VII. Elihu’s Addresses
--------VIII. The Colloquy Of Yahwe With Job
--------IX. The Solution Of Job’s Problem
--------I. Introduction To Canticles
--------II. The First Canticle (1:1-6)
--------III. The Second Canticle (1:7-8)
--------IV. The Third Canticle (1:9-2:5)
--------V. The Fourth Canticle (2:8-13)
--------VI. The Fifth Canticle (2:14-17)
--------VII. The Sixth Canticle (3:1-4)
--------VIII. The Seventh Canticle (3:6-11)
--------IX. The Eighth Canticle (4:1-7)
--------X. The Ninth Canticle (4:8-5:1)
--------XI. The Tenth Canticle (5:2-16)
--------XII. The Eleventh Canticle (6:1-3)
--------XIII. The Twelfth Canticle (6:8-10)
--------XIV. The Thirteenth Canticle (6:11-7:9)
--------XV. The Fourteenth Canticle (7:10-13)
--------XVI. The Fifteenth Canticle (8:1-2)
--------XVII. The Sixteenth Canticle (8:5-7)
--------XVIII. The Seventeenth Canticle (8:8-10)
--------XIX. The Eighteenth Canticle (8:11-12)
--------XX. The Nineteenth Canticle (8:13-14)
----Minor Poems
--------I. Introduction To The Minor Poems
--------II. The Song Of Lamech (Genesis 4:23-24)
--------III. The Curse And Blessings Of Noah (Genesis 9:25-26)
--------IV. The Song Of The Tower (Genesis 11:3-4, 11:6-7)
--------V. The Song Of Sodom And Gomorrah (Genesis 18:20 f., 19:24 f.)
--------VI. The Oracle Of Jacob And Esau (Genesis 25:23)
--------VII. Isaac’s Blessing Of Jacob (Genesis 27:27-29)
--------VIII. Isaac’s Blessing Of Esau (Genesis 27:39-40)
--------IX. The Blessing Of Jacob (Genesis 49:3-27)
--------X. The Song Of Moses (Exodus 15:1-18)
--------XI. The Song Of Miriam (Exodus 15:21)
--------XII. The Oracle Of The Altar Fire (Leviticus 10:3)
--------XIII. The Priestly Benediction (Numbers 6:24-26)
--------XIV. The Song Of The Ark (Numbers 10:35-36)
--------XV. The Song Of The Crossing Of Arnon (Numbers 21:14-15)
--------XVI. The Song Of The Capture Of Be’er (Numbers 31:17-18)
--------XVII. THE Song Of Sihon’s Conquests (Numbers 21:27-30)
--------XVIII. The Prophecies Of Balaam (Numbers 23-24)
--------XIX. The Song Of Moses: Yahwe’s Just Dealings With Israel (Deut. 32:1-43)
--------XX. The Blessing Of Moses: Oracles On The Tribes (Deut. 33:1-29)
--------XXI. The Curse Of Jericho (Josh 6:26)
--------XXII. The Command To The Sun And The Moon (Josh 10:13)
--------XXIII. The Song Of Deborah (Judges 5:2-31)
--------XXIV. The Song Of Hanna: Yahwe, The Deliverer (1 Sam. 2:1-10)
--------XXV. David’s Lament Over Saul And Jonathan (2 Sam. 1:18-27)
--------XXVI. David’s Lament Over Abner (2 Sam. 3:33-34)
--------XXVII. The Last Words Of David: God Blesses The Righteous Ruler (2Sam. 23:1-7)
--------XXVIII. Solomon’s Temple Dedication (1 Kings 8:12-13)
--------XXIX. The Taunt-Song On Sennacherib (2 Kings 19:21-28)
--------XXX. The Oracle Against Sennacherib (2 Kings 19:32-34)
--------XXXI. The Song Of Youth And Age (Ecc. 11:7-12:7)

Volume 7: The Messages Of The Apocalyptical Writers
--------I. The Apocalyptical Books, Their Number And Scope
--------II. Their Historical Place And Significance
--------III. The Relation Of Apocalypse To Prophecy
--------IV. Pseudonymous Authorship
--------V. The Apocalyptical Vision
--------VI. The Literary Composition Of Apocalypses
--------VII. Their Messages For Their Own Times
--------VIII. Their Messages For Our Time
----The Book Of Daniel
--------I. Introduction To The Book Of Daniel
--------II. The Rewards Of Fidelity To The Law And Of Faith In God (Daniel 1-6)
--------III. Visions Of The Fall Of Antiochus And The Coming Of The Kingdom Of God (Daniel 7.
----The Book Of Revelation
--------I. Introduction To The Book Of Revelation
--------II. The Messages Of Christ To The Churches
--------III. Vision Of The Chief Actors Of The Future
--------IV. Visions Of The First Stages Of The Coming Judgment
--------V. Visions Of The Last Stages Of The Coming Judgment
--------VI. Visions Of The Blessed Consummation
--------VII. Concluding Warnings And Promises (Rev. 22:10-21)
----Uncanonical Apocalypses
--------I. Introduction
--------II. The Book Of Enoch
--------III. The Assumption Of Moses
--------IV. The Secrets Of Enoch
--------V. The Apocalypse Of Ezra
--------VI. The Apocalypse Of Baruch
--------VII. The Apocalypse Of Peter
----Appendix: Books of Reference

Volume 8: The Messages Of Jesus According To The Synoptists
--------I. The Synoptic Question
--------II. The Characteristics Of The Several Gospels
--------III. The Narrative Given By Mark
--------IV. The Literary Form Of Jesus’s Teaching
----Incidents Introductory To The Gospel Message
--------I. The Prophecy Concerning John (Luke 1:5-25)
--------II. The Messianic Prophecy (Luke 1:26-38)
--------III. The Salutation Narrative (Luke 1:39-56 cf. 1 Sam. 2:1-10)
--------IV. The Hymn Of Zacharias (Luke 1:57-80)
--------V. The Birth Of Jesus (Mat. 1:18-2:23 Luke 2:1-7)
--------VI. The Angel’s Song (Luke 2:8-20)
--------VII. The Circumcision In Jerusalem (Luke 2:21-39)
--------VIII. Jesus’s First Saying (Luke 2:41-52)
----The Work Of John The Baptist
--------I. John’s Relation To The Old Testament (Mat. 3:3, Mark 1:2-3, Luke 3:4-6)
--------II. John’s Message (Mat. 3:7-12, Mark 1:7-8, Luke 3:7-17)
----The Introduction Of Jesus To His Messianic Activity
--------I. The Temptation (Mat. 4:1-11, Mark 1:12-13, Luke4:1-13)
--------II. Jesus Takes Up John’s Work (Mat. 4:12-17 Mark 1:14-15 Luke 4:14-15)
--------III. Jesus Calls Disciples (Mat. 4:18-22 Mark 1:16-20 Luke5:1-11)
----The Public Ministry Of Jesus
--------I. His Ministry And Message In Galilee
--------II. The Perean Ministry (Ministry And Messages On The Way To Jerusalem)
----The Passion Of Our Lord
--------I. Preparations For The End
--------II. The Last Supper
--------III. The Garden Of Gethsemane.Jesus’s Final Struggle With Temptation (Mat. 26:36-56.
--------IV. The Trial Before The Sanhedrin
--------V. The Trial Before Pilate (Mat. 27:11-14, Mark 15:2-5, Luke 23:1-12)
--------VI. The Crucifixion (Mat. 27:32-56, Mark 15:21-41, Luke 23:32-49)
----The Resurrection Of The Christ
--------I. The Grave
--------II. The Appearances Of Jesus
----Appendix I: The Method Of Study Of The Synoptic Gospels
----Appendix II: The “Seven Woes” Of Matthew’s Gospel
----Appendix III: Important Synoptic Literature

Volume 9: The Messages Of Jesus According To The Gospel Of John
--------I. The Problem Of John’s Gospel
--------II. Did The Apostle John Write The Gospel?
--------III. Influences Formative Of The Gospel
--------IV. The Apostle John
----The Prologue: The Beginnings Of The History
--------I. Its Representative Character
--------II. The Prologue (John 1:1-18)
--------III. The Beginnings Of The History
--------IV. The Testimonies Of The Baptist (John 1:19-42)
--------V. The Testimony Of Philip And Nathanael (John 1:43-51)
--------VI. The Miracle At Cana (John 2:1-11)
----The Public Ministry Of Jesus
--------I. The Ministry In Judea (John 2:13-3:21)
--------II. Jesus In The Country Districts Of Judea (John 3:22-36)
--------III. The Ministry In Samaria (John 4:1-42)
--------IV. In Galilee (John 4:43-54)
----The Public Ministry Of Jesus
--------I. The Miracle At The Pool Of Bethesda (John 5:1-47)
--------II. The Feeding Of The Five Thousand (John 6:1-59)
--------III. The Crisis In Galilee (John 6:60-71)
--------IV. Jesus At The Feast Of Tabernacles (John 7)
--------V. The Rupture In Jerusalem (John 8:12-59)
--------VI. The Cure Of The Man Born Blind (John 9:1-38)
--------VII. The Spiritual Teaching In Connection With The Cure Of The Blind Man (John 9:39-.
--------VIII. The Raising Of Lazarus (John 11)
--------IX. The Threefold Relationship Of Christ (John 12:1-36)
--------X. A Review Of Jewish Unbelief By The Evangelist (John 12:37-50)
----Jesus And His Disciples
--------I. The Purification Of The Disciples’ Faith (John 13)
--------II. The Discourses (John 13:31-14:31)
--------III. The Relation Of Christ’s Disciples To Him And Of The World To Them (John 15:1-1.
--------IV. The Mission Of The Spirit (John 16:7-15)
--------V. The Joy Of The Disciples On The Resurrection Morning (John 16:16-24)
--------VI. A Summary And A Conclusion (John 16:25-33)
--------VII. The Prayer Of Jesus (John 17)
----The Passion
--------I. General Introduction
--------II. The Arrest (John 18:1-12)
--------III. The Examination Before Annas (John 18:13-27)
--------IV. Jesus Before Pilate (John 18:28-19:16)
--------V. The Crucifixion And Death (John 19:17-30)
--------VI. The Four Enemies And The Five Friends (John 19:23-27)
--------VII. The Burial (John 19:38-42)
----The Resurrection
--------I. Introductory
--------II. Peter And John At The Empty Sepulchre—John’s Faith (John 20:1-10)
--------III. Christ’s Appearance To Mary Magdalene (John 20:11-18)
--------IV. The Appearance To The Disciples, Thomas Being Absent (John 20:19-23)
--------V. The Appearance To The Disciples, Thomas Being Present (John 20:24-29)
----The Epilogue
--------I. Introductory
--------II. The Episode At The Sea Of Tiberias (John 21:1-23)
--------III. Concluding Words (John 21:24-25)
----Appendix I: The Narrative Of The Woman Taken In Adultery (John 7:53-8:11)
----Appendix II. Books Of Reference

Volume 10: The Messages Of Paul
--------I. Epistles In The Early Christian Church
--------II. Peculiarities Of The Pauline Epistles
--------III. Paul’s Life And Character As Reflected In His Epistles
--------IV. The Problems Of The Early Church As Reflected In Paul’s Epistles
--------V. The Missionary Addresses Of Paul
--------VI. Paul’s Addresses In Defence Of Himself
----The First Epistle To The Thessalonians
--------I. The Church At Thessalonica And The Occasion Of Paul’s Writing To It
--------II. The Doctrinal And Practical Contents Op The Epistle
--------III. The Date Of The Epistle
--------IV. The First Message To The Thessalonians
----The Second Epistle To The Thessalonians
--------I. A Later Chapter In The History Of The Thessalonian Church
--------II. The Application Of The Idea Of The Second Coming In The Thessalonian Church
--------III. The Second Message To The Thessalonians
----The Epistle To The Galatians
--------I. The Great Doctrinal Letters
--------II. The Galatian Churches
--------III. The Judaizing Crusade
--------IV. The Aim And Date Of The Epistle
--------V. The Message To The Galatians
----The First Epistle To The Corinthians
--------I. The City And Church Of Corinth
--------II. The Parties In The Corinthian Church
--------III. The Occasion, Aim, And Characteristics Of The Epistle
--------IV. He First Message To The Corinthians
----The Second Epistle To The Corinthians
--------I. How The Epistle Came To Be Written
--------II. The Character And Value Of The Epistle
--------III. The Relation Of This Epistle To First Corinthians
--------IV. The Second Message To The Corinthians
----The Epistle To The Romans
--------I. The Origin And Character Of The Roman Church
--------II. The Motive Of The Epistle
--------III. The Course Of Thought In The Epistle
--------IV. The Message To The Romans
----The Epistle To The Colossians
--------I. Characteristics Of The Epistles Of The Imprisonment
--------II. The Errors Combated In Colossians
--------III. The Message To The Colossians
----The Epistle To Philemon
--------I. The Occasion Of The Letter
--------II. The Peculiarities Of The Letter
--------III. The Message To Philemon
----The Epistle To The Ephesians
--------I. The Churches Of Asia
--------II. Was Ephesians A Circular Letter?
--------III. The Theme And Date Of The Epistle
--------IV. The Message To The Ephesians
----The Epistle To The Philippians
--------I. Paul’s Relations With Philippi
--------II. The Occasion And Object Of The Epistle
--------III. The Message To The Philippians
----Appendix: Books Of Reference

Volume 11: The Messages Of The Apostles
--------I. The Jerusalem Church
--------II. The Leading Characteristics Of Jewish Christianity
--------III. The Earliest Conflicts Of Christianity With Heathenism
--------IV. The Anonymous And Disputed Books Of The New Testament
----The Recorded Sermons Of The Apostles
--------I. The Problems With Which The Early Apostles Had To Deal
--------II. The General Characteristics Of Their Sermons
--------III. Peter’s Early Discourses
--------IV. The Address Of The Almoner Stephen (Acts 7:2-53)
--------V. Peter’s Address To Cornelius (Acts 10:35-43)
--------VI. Peter’s Defence Before The Judaizers (Acts 11:5-17)
--------VII. The Address Of Peter At The Apostolic Council (Act 15:7-11)
----The Epistle Of James
--------I. The Characteristics And Contents Of The Epistle
--------II. The Authorship, Date, And Destination Of The Epistle
--------III. The Teaching Of James And Paul Regarding Justification
--------IV. The Message Of James
----The First Epistle Of Peter
--------I. The Contents And General Character Of The Epistle
--------II. The Persons Addressed
--------III. The Authorship And Date Of The Epistle
--------IV. The First Message Of Peter
----The Epistle Of Jude
--------I. The Aim And Peculiarities Of The Epistle
--------II. The Author And Date Of The Epistle
--------III. The Author’s Use Of Other Books
--------IV. The Message Of Jude
----The Second Epistle Of Peter
--------I. The Aim And Contents Of The Epistle
--------II. Its Relation To Jude
--------III. Its Author, Date, And Readers
--------IV. The Second Message Of Peter
----The First Epistle To Timothy
--------I. The General Character Of The Pastoral Epistles
--------II. The Historical Situation Presupposed In The Pastorals
--------III. The Authorship And Date Of The Epistle
--------IV. The Life And Character Of Timothy
--------V. The First Message To Timothy
----The Epistle To Titus
--------I. Titus And His Mission In Crete
--------II. The Peculiarities Of The Epistle
--------III. Authorship And Date
--------IV. The Message To Titus
----The Second Epistle To Timothy
--------I. The Question Of A Second Imprisonment Of Paul
--------II. The Apostle’s Farewell
--------III. The Second Message To Timothy
----The Epistle To The Hebrews
--------I. The Course Of Thought In The Epistle
--------II. The Purpose Of The Epistle
--------III. To Whom Was The Epistle Addressed?
--------IV. The Problems Of Authorship And Date
--------V. The Message To The Hebrews
----The First Epistle Of John
--------I. The Relation Of This Epistle To The Fourth Gospel
--------II. General Character And Destination Of The Epistle
--------III. The Purpose Of The Epistle
--------IV. The First Message Of John
----The Second Epistle Of John
--------I. The Authorship Of The Letter
--------II. The Person Addressed
--------III. The Purpose Of The Letter
--------IV. The Second Message Of John
----The Third Epistle Of John
--------I. The Occasion And Purpose Of The Letter
--------II. The Interest And Value Of The Minor Epistles Of John
--------III. The Third Message Of John
----Appendix: Books Of Reference


The Idumeans were known as Edomites who descended from Esau. In early 68 AD, the Idumeans were invited by the Zealots to come up to Jerusalem. An army of 20,000 led by four generals responded. Upon their arrival they slaughtered thousands of people within the gates of Jerusalem ( Wars 4.5 ). Josephus referred to their actions as “foreign assistance” to the Zealot cause ( Wars 4.4 ). According to Ezekiel, Amos, and Obadiah, the Edomites did the same thing during past calamities of Israel and Judah:

Because you have had an ancient hatred, and have shed the blood of the children of Israel by the power of the sword at the time of their calamity, when their iniquity came to an end…” (Ezekiel 35:5).

For three transgressions of Edom, and for four, I will not turn away its punishment, because he pursued his brother with the sword, and cast off all pity his anger tore perpetually, and he kept his wrath forever” (Amos 1:11).

For your violence against your brother Jacob, shame shall cover you, and you shall be cut off forever. In the day that strangers carried captive his forces, when foreigners entered his gates and cast lots for Jerusalem – even you were as one of them… You should not have stood at the crossroads to cut off those among them who escaped nor should you have delivered up those among them who remained in the day of distress” (Obadiah 10-14).

See this article at the Bible History site for more information on the Edomites and Idumeans.


Egyptian Bondage and Deliverance

Exodus, Chapter 1

God says through his prophet Hosea, Hos. 11:1, "When Israel was a child, then I loved him, and called my son out of Egypt." See also Matt. 2:15. There was a loving, divine purpose in the Egyptian residence of God's people. What was it? What did this period mean in the career of Israel?

Most obviously, it meant growth. From the "seventy souls," Ex. 1:5, that went down into Egypt with Jacob, there sprang up there a populous folk, large enough to take its place alongside the other nations of the world of that day. Observe the nature of the land where this growth took place. Egypt was a settled country, where the twelve developing tribes could be united geographically and socially in a way impossible in a country like Palestine. However oppressed they were, they nevertheless were secluded from the dangers of raids from without and of civil strife within&mdashjust such dangers as later almost wrecked the substantial edifice slowly erected by this period of growth in Egypt.

Egypt meant also for Israel a time of waiting. All this growth was not accomplished in a short time. It lasted four hundred and thirty years. Ex. 12:40, 41. Through this long period, which seems like a dark tunnel between the brightness of the patriarchs' times and that of Moses' day, there was nothing for God's people to do but to wait. They were the heirs of God's promise, but they must wait for the fulfillment of that promise in God's own time, wait for a leader raised up by God, wait for the hour of national destiny to strike. As Hosea, ch. 11:1 expresses it, this "child" must wait for his Father's "call." The Egyptian period left an indelible impression on the mind of Israel. It formed the gray background on which God could lay the colors of his great deliverance. It is because God knew and planned this that he so often introduces himself to his people, when he speaks to them, as "Jehovah thy God, who brought thee out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage."

In the third place, this Egyptian period meant for Israel a time of chastisement. The oppression to which the descendants of Jacob were exposed, when "there arose a new king over Egypt, who knew not [14] Joseph," Ex. 1:8, was so severe, prolonged, and hopeless, v. 14, that it has become proverbial and typical. Since every male child was to be put to death, v. 22, it is clear that the purpose of the Egyptians was nothing less than complete extermination. "It is good for a man that he bear the yoke in his youth": if that be true, then the children of Israel derived good from the school of discipline in which they grew up. True, as we read their later story, we feel that no people could be more fickle. Yet there is no other nation with which to compare Israel. And it is very probable that no other nation would have been serious-minded enough even to receive and grasp the divine revelation and leading of Moses' and Joshua's time. God, who had "seen the affliction of his people," who had "heard their cry" and sent Moses to them to organize their deliverance, wrote forever on this nation's soul the message of salvation in a historical record. At the start of their national life there stood the story, which they could never deny or forget, and which told them of God's power and grace.

All this lay in Israel's experience in Egypt. The next lesson will tell of the character and work of the man whom God chose to be leader. The means by which Moses succeeded in the seemingly impossible task of marching a great horde of slaves out from their masters' country, was the impression of God's power on the minds of Pharaoh and his people. It was a continued, combined, and cumulative impression. Of course it could not be made without the use of supernatural means. We must not, therefore, be surprised to find the story in Exodus bristling with miracles. To be sure, the "plagues" can be shown to be largely natural to that land where they occurred. And the supreme event of the deliverance, the passage of Israel through the Red Sea on dry ground, was due, according to the narrative itself, to a persistent, wind, Ex. 14:21, such as often lays bare the shallows of a bay, only to release the waters again when its force is spent.

Nevertheless, it is not possible to remove the "hand of God" from the account by thus pointing out some of the means God used to accomplish his special purposes. It was at the time, in the way, and in the order, in which Moses announced to Pharaoh the arrival of the plagues, that they actually appeared. This was what had its ultimate effect on the king's stubborn will. And when Israel was told to "go forward," with the waters right before them, and when the Egyptians [15] were saying, "They are entangled in the land, the wilderness hath shut them in," Ex. 14:3&mdashit was just at that juncture that the east wind did its work at God's command when Israel was over safely, it went down. Such things do not "happen." It made a profound impression on Israel, on Egypt, and on all the nations of that day all united in accepting it as the work of Israel's God. Ex. 15:11, 14-16 Josh. 2:10.

The important point for the nation was to know, when Moses and Aaron came to them in the name of God, that it was their fathers' God who had sent them. On account of this need, which both the people and their leaders felt, God proclaimed his divine name, Jehovah (more precisely, Yahweh, probably meaning "He is," Ex. 3:14, 15), to Moses, and bade him pronounce the same to Israel, to assure them that he was "the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob," and thus what Moses came now to do for them was just what had been promised to those fathers long before. The passover night was the fulfillment of God's good word to Abraham. Ex. 13:10, 11. How that word went on and on toward more and more complete fulfillment will be the subject of the succeeding lessons.

1. What advantages had Egypt over Palestine as the place for Israel to grow from a family into a nation?

2. What value was there for Israel in a negative time of waiting at the beginning of its history?

3. Compare the effect on Israel with the effect on a man, of passing through a time of difficulty while developing.

4. Name the ten "plagues of Egypt" in their order. How far can they be called "natural"?

5. If the east wind drove back the Red Sea, what did God have to do with Israel's escape from the Egyptian army?

6. Why should we not be surprised to find many miracles grouped at this stage of Bible history?

7. How did God identify himself in the minds of the people with the God of their fathers? What was his personal name?

Roman Conquests: Egypt and Judaea, John D. Grainger - History

John Grainger narrates the aftermath of Marc Antony's defeat, with Octavian's forces swiftly moving in to take control of Egypt but requiring several oft-forgotten campaigns before the country was fully subjugated.

Egypt was the last of the Macedonian Successor states to be swallowed up by Roman expansion. The Ptolemaic rulers had allied themselves to Rome while their rivals went down fighting. However, Cleopatra's famous love affair with Marc Antony ensured she was on the wrong side of the Roman civil war between him and Octavian (later to become Caesar Augustus). After the defeat of Antony and Cleopatra at the naval battle of Actium, Octavian swiftly brought it under direct Roman control, though it took several campaigns to fully subjugate the whole country. These campaigns have previously been largely neglected. Judaea was a constant source of trouble for the Romans, as it had been for the Seleucids, the previous overlords of the region. The Romans at first were content to rule through client kings like the infamous Herod but were increasingly sucked in to direct military involvement to suppress religiously-inspired revolts.

Like the other volumes in this series, this book gives a clear narrative of the course of these campaigns, explaining how the Roman war machine coped with formidable new foes and the challenges of unfamiliar terrain and climate. Specially-commissioned color plates by the renowned Graham Sumner bring the main troop types vividly to life in meticulously-researched detail.

About The Author

John D. Grainger is a former teacher turned professional historian. He has over thirty books to his name, divided between classical history and modern British political and military history. His previous books for Pen & Sword are Hellenistic and Roman Naval Wars Wars of the Maccabees Traditional Enemies: Britain’s War with Vichy France 1940-42 Roman Conquests: Egypt and Judaea Rome, Parthia and India: The Violent Emergence of a New World Order: 150-140 BC a three-volume history of the Seleukid Empire and British Campaigns in the South Atlantic 1805-1807.

Middle East Facts

In contrast with Israelis' portrayal of Palestinian leaders as rejectionists, the Palestinians come across in the papers as the side better-prepared, with maps, charts and compromises, even broaching controversial trade-offs that went beyond what their own people were probably ready to accept.

Though publicly Palestinians have insisted on a full right of return for refugees, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas acknowledged in March 2009 that deep concessions would have to be made. 'It is illogical to ask Israel to take 5 million [refugees] or, indeed, 1 million,' Abbas is quoted as telling his team…

A ceremony marking the deal, which was mediated by Egypt, took place on Wednesday [May 4, 2011] at the Egyptian intelligence headquarters in Cairo.

The pact provides for the creation of a joint caretaker Palestinian government before national elections next year…

The deal calls for the formation of an interim government to run the occupied West Bank, where Abbas is based, and Hamas-controlled Gaza Strip and prepare for parliamentary and presidential elections within a year.

The formulation goes beyond principles outlined by President George W. Bush, who stated during his first term that ‘it is unrealistic to expect’ Israel to pull back to the 1967 boundaries, which were based on cease-fire lines established in 1949. Obama said the negotiations about final borders, which he indicated may include land swaps to accommodate Israel’s large settlement blocs, should result in ‘a viable Palestine, a secure Israel.’

Abbas told U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon he would press ahead with plans to ask for a Security Council vote on Friday on Palestinian membership. Washington has threatened to veto any such move. Ban told Abbas he would send any application submitted to the Security Council and called for the Israelis and the Palestinians to resume talks 'within a legitimate and balanced framework,' U.N. spokesman Martin Nesirky said.

The step will cost the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization one-quarter of its yearly budget — the 22 percent contributed by the United States (about $70 million) plus another 3 percent contributed by Israel. Victoria Nuland, a State Department spokeswoman, said that American contributions to Unesco, including $60 million scheduled for this month, would not be paid.

'We knew from the beginning . that we might not be able to succeed in the Security Council because there is a powerful country that has the veto power,' said Riyad Mansour, the Palestinian envoy to the United Nations. He said that he believed the report was 'objective.' The United States has been vocal about its intention to veto any Palestinian bid for statehood. Last week, France and the United Kingdom said they would abstain from the vote. Those three nations, along with China and Russia, have veto power in the Security Council.

Were a council resolution to pass, the membership bid would be forwarded to the General Assembly, where passage is all but assured. A vote in the near term does not seem likely. But should it take place, diplomats say that the Palestinians are unlikely to get even the nine votes necessary for a resolution to pass, because of a large number of abstentions. The U.S. veto would effectively be moot.

Palestinian and Israeli negotiators met five times in recent weeks in the Jordanian capital for what were termed ‘exploratory talks.’ … The Quartet of Middle East peace mediators - the US, UN, EU and Russia - said last autumn that they expected both sides to submit detailed proposals on borders and security arrangements, in the hope that the dialogue would encourage the resumption of direct peace talks…

While the announcement was greeted with smiles and celebrations, it remained unclear how the plan would succeed where previous attempts at unity have failed. It also added new complications to U.S. efforts to broker a peace deal between Israel and the Palestinians.

Earlier Wednesday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accused Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas of sabotaging peace efforts by seeking rapprochement with Hamas.

The Israeli military said it carried out airstrikes against more than 150 sites in Gaza, killing five alleged members of Hamas, the Islamist group that controls the enclave. Ashraf al-Qidrah, a spokesman for Gaza’s Health Ministry, said early Wednesday that 24 Palestinians had been killed in the Israeli attacks in the Gaza Strip and 152 wounded.

The Israeli operation against Hamas in Gaza… came against a backdrop of weeks of rising Israeli-Palestinian tensions after the kidnapping and killing of three Israeli teens in the occupied West Bank — which Israel has blamed on Hamas — and the suspected revenge killing of an Arab youth in East Jerusalem…

In a sign that the cross-border conflict could widen, Israel said Tuesday that it had called up 1,500 reservists and was mobilizing two infantry brigades, artillery, combat bulldozers and tanks along the Gaza border in preparation for a possible ground invasion. The Israeli cabinet subsequently approved the call-up of an additional 40,000 army reservists, according to the Defense Ministry.

In the end, both sides settled for an ambiguous interim agreement in exchange for a period of calm. Hamas, though badly battered, remains in control of Gaza with part of its military arsenal intact. Israel and Egypt will continue to control access to blockaded Gaza, despite Hamas' long-running demand that the border closures imposed in 2007 be lifted…

Under the Egyptian-brokered deal, Israel is to ease imports into Gaza, including aid and material for reconstruction. It also agreed to a largely symbolic gesture, expanding a fishing zone for Gaza fishermen from three to six nautical miles into the Mediterranean…

Revelation 11:11-12

Now after the three and a half days the breath of life from God entered them, and they stood on their feet, and great fear fell on those who saw them. And they heard a loud voice from heaven saying to them, ‘Come up here.’ And they ascended to heaven in a cloud, and their enemies saw them” (Revelation 11:11-12).

At this time, I don’t have much insight into what these verses mean or how they may fit the narrative described above (or any narrative described by Josephus or any other first century historian). Does this simply mean that heaven validated their message of peace? Did Ananus and Jesus embrace the gospel and become followers of Christ (something Josephus wouldn’t have mentioned)? I hope to gain insight on these verses in the future. In the meantime, those who read this are invited to share any insight you may have.

"The part of life we really live is small."

Seneca: De Brevitate Vitae

The majority of mortals, Paulinus, complain bitterly of the spitefulness of Nature, because we are born for a brief span of life, because even this space that has been granted to us rushes by so speedily and so swiftly that all save a very few find life at an end just when they are getting ready to live. Nor is it merely the common herd and the unthinking crowd that bemoan what is, as men deem it, an universal ill the same feeling has called forth complaint also from men who were famous. It was this that made the greatest of physicians exclaim that "life is short, art is long" it was this that led Aristotle, while expostulating with Nature, to enter an indictment most unbecoming to a wise man - that, in point of age, she has shown such favour to animals that they drag out five or ten lifetimes, but that a much shorter limit is fixed for man, though he is born for so many and such great achievements. It is not that we have a short space of time, but that we waste much of it. Life is long enough, and it has been given in sufficiently generous measure to allow the accomplishment of the very greatest things if the whole of it is well invested. But when it is squandered in luxury and carelessness, when it is devoted to no good end, forced at last by the ultimate necessity we perceive that it has passed away before we were aware that it was passing. So it is - the life we receive is not short, but we make it so, nor do we have any lack of it, but are wasteful of it. Just as great and princely wealth is scattered in a moment when it comes into the hands of a bad owner, while wealth however limited, if it is entrusted to a good guardian, increases by use, so our life is amply long for him who orders it properly.

Why do we complain of Nature? She has shown herself kindly life, if you know how to use it, is long. But one man is possessed by an avarice that is insatiable, another by a toilsome devotion to tasks that are useless one man is besotted with wine, another is paralyzed by sloth one man is exhausted by an ambition that always hangs upon the decision of others, another, driven on by the greed of the trader, is led over all lands and all seas by the hope of gain some are tormented by a passion for war and are always either bent upon inflicting danger upon others or concerned about their own some there are who are worn out by voluntary servitude in a thankless attendance upon the great many are kept busy either in the pursuit of other men's fortune or in complaining of their own many, following no fixed aim, shifting and inconstant and dissatisfied, are plunged by their fickleness into plans that are ever new some have no fixed principle by which to direct their course, but Fate takes them unawares while they loll and yawn - so surely does it happen that I cannot doubt the truth of that utterance which the greatest of poets delivered with all the seeming of an oracle: "The part of life we really live is small." For all the rest of existence is not life, but merely time. Vices beset us and surround us on every side, and they do not permit us to rise anew and lift up our eyes for the discernment of truth, but they keep us down when once they have overwhelmed us and we are chained to lust. Their victims are never allowed to return to their true selves if ever they chance to find some release, like the waters of the deep sea which continue to heave even after the storm is past, they are tossed about, and no rest from their lusts abides. Think you that I am speaking of the wretches whose evils are admitted? Look at those whose prosperity men flock to behold they are smothered by their blessings. To how many are riches a burden! From how many do eloquence and the daily straining to display their powers draw forth blood! How many are pale from constant pleasures! To how many does the throng of clients that crowd about them leave no freedom! In short, run through the list of all these men from the lowest to the highest - this man desires an advocate, this one answers the call, that one is on trial, that one defends him, that one gives sentence no one asserts his claim to himself, everyone is wasted for the sake of another. Ask about the men whose names are known by heart, and you will see that these are the marks that distinguish them: A cultivates B and B cultivates C no one is his own master. And then certain men show the most senseless indignation - they complain of the insolence of their superiors, because they were too busy to see them when they wished an audience! But can anyone have the hardihood to complain of the pride of another when he himself has no time to attend to himself? After all, no matter who you are, the great man does sometimes look toward you even if his face is insolent, he does sometimes condescend to listen to your words, he permits you to appear at his side but you never deign to look upon yourself, to give ear to yourself. There is no reason, therefore, to count anyone in debt for such services, seeing that, when you performed them, you had no wish for another's company, but could not endure your own.

Epictetus: On Freedom
[Discourses IV.1]
He is free who lives as he likes who is not subject to compulsion, to restraint, or to violence whose pursuits are unhindered, his desires successful, his aversions unincurred. Who, then, would wish to lead a wrong course of life? "No one." Who would live deceived, erring, unjust, dissolute, discontented, dejected? "No one." No wicked man, then, lives as he likes therefore no such man is free. And who would live in sorrow, fear, envy, pity, with disappointed desires and unavailing aversions? "No one." Do we then find any of the wicked exempt from these evils? "Not one." Consequently, then, they are not free.

If some person who has been twice consul should hear this, he will forgive you, provided you add, "but you are wise, and this has no reference to you." But if you tell him the truth, that, in point of slavery, he does not necessarily differ from those who have been thrice sold, what but chastisement can you expect? "For how," he says, "am I a slave? My father was free, my mother free. Besides, I am a senator, too, and the friend of Caesar, and have been twice consul, and have myself many slaves." In the first place, most worthy sir, perhaps your father too was a slave of the same kind and your mother, and your grandfather, and all your series of ancestors. But even were they ever so free, what is that to you? For what if they were of a generous, you of a mean spirit they brave, and you a coward they sober, and you dissolute?

"But what," he says, "has this to do with my being a slave? " Is it no part of slavery to act against your will, under compulsion, and lamenting? "Be it so. But who can compel me but the master of all, Caesar?" By your own confession, then, you have one master and let not his being, as you say, master of all, give you any comfort for then you are merely a slave in a large family. Thus the Nicopolitans, too, frequently cry out, "By the genius of Caesar we are free!"

For the present, however, if you please, we will let Caesar alone. But tell me this. Have you never been in love with any one, either of a servile or liberal condition? "Why, what has that to do with being slave or free?" Were you never commanded anything by your mistress that you did not choose? Have you never flattered your fair slave? Have you never kissed her feet? And yet if you were commanded to kiss Caesar's feet, you would think it an outrage and an excess of tyranny. What else is this than slavery? Have you never gone out by night where you did not desire? Have you never spent more than you chose? Have you not sometimes uttered your words with sighs and groans? Have you never borne to be reviled and shut out of doors? But if you are ashamed to confess your own follies, see what Thrasonides says and does who, after having fought more battles perhaps than you, went out by night, when [his slaves Geta would not dare to go nay, had he been compelled to do it, would have gone bewailing and lamenting the bitterness of servitude. And what says he afterwards? "A contemptible girl has enslaved me, whom no enemy ever enslaved." Wretch ! to be the slave of a girl and a contemptible girl too! Why, then, do you still call yourself free? Why do you boast your military expeditions? Then he calls for a sword, and is angry with the person who, out of kindness, denies it and sends presents to her who hates him and begs, and weeps, and then again is elated on every little success. But what elation? Is he raised above desire or fear?

Consider what is our idea of freedom in animals. Some keep tame lions, and feed them and even lead them about and who will say that any such lion is free? Nay, does he not live the more slavishly the more he lives at ease? And who that had sense and reason would wish to be one of those lions? Again, how much will caged birds suffer in trying to escape? Nay, some of them starve themselves rather than undergo such a life others are saved only with difficulty and in a pining condition and the moment they find any opening, out they go. Such a desire have they for their natural freedom, and to be at their own disposal, and unrestrained. "And what harm can this confinement do you?" "What say you? I was born to fly where I please, to live in the open air, to sing when I please. You deprive me of all this, and then ask what harm I suffer?"

Hence we will allow those only to be free who will not endure captivity, but, so soon as they are taken, die and so escape. Thus Diogenes somewhere says that the only way to freedom is to die with ease. And he writes to the Persian king, "You can no more enslave the Athenians than you can fish." "How? Can I not get possession of them?" "If you do," said he, "they will leave you, and be gone like fish. For catch a fish, and it dies. And if the Athenians, too, die as soon as you have caught them, of what use are your warlike preparations? " This is the voice of a free man who had examined the matter in earnest, and, as it might be expected, found it all out. But if you seek it where it is not, what wonder if you never find it?

A slave wishes to be immediately set free. Think you it is because he is desirous to pay his fee [of manumission] to the officer? No, but because he fancies that, for want of acquiring his freedom, he has hitherto lived under restraint and unprosperously. "If I am once set free," he says, "it is all prosperity I care for no one I can speak to all as being their equal and on a level with them. I go where I will, I come when and how I will." He is at last made free, and presently having nowhere to eat he seeks whom he may flatter, with whom he may sup. He then either submits to the basest and most infamous degradation, and if he can obtain admission to some great man's table, falls into a slavery much worse than the former or perhaps, if the ignorant fellow should grow rich, he doats upon some girl, laments, and is unhappy, and wishes for slavery again. " For what harm did it do me? Another clothed me, another shod me, another fed me, another took care of me when I was sick. It was but in a few things, by way of return, I used to serve him. But now, miserable wretch ! what do I suffer, in being a slave to many, instead of one ! Yet, if I can be promoted to equestrian rank, I shall live in the utmost prosperity and happiness." In order to obtain this, he first deservedly suffers and as soon as he has obtained it, it is all the same again. "But then," he says, "if I do but get a military command, I shall be delivered from all my troubles." He gets a military command. He suffers as much as the vilest rogue of a slave and, nevertheless, he asks for a second command and a third and when he has put the finishing touch, and is made a senator, then he is a slave indeed. When he comes into the public assembly, it is then that he undergoes his finest and most splendid slavery.

[It is needful] not to be foolish, but to learn what Socrates taught, the nature of things and not rashly to apply general principles to particulars. For the cause of all human evils is the not being able to apply general principles to special cases. But different people have different grounds of complaint one, for instance, that he is sick. That is not the trouble it is in his principles. Another, that he is poor another, that he has a harsh father and mother another, that he is not in the good graces of Caesar. This is nothing else but not understanding how to apply our principles. For who has not an idea of evil, that it is hurtful that it is to be avoided that it is by all means to be prudently guarded against? One principle does not contradict another, except when it comes to be applied. What, then, is this evil, --thus hurtful and to be avoided? "Not to be the friend of Caesar," says some one. He is gone he has failed in applying his principles he is embarrassed he seeks what is nothing to the purpose. For if he comes to be Caesar's friend, he is still no nearer to what he sought. For what is it that every man seeks? To be secure, to be happy, to do what he pleases without restraint and without compulsion. When he becomes the friend of Caesar, then does he cease to be restrained to be compelled? Is he secure? Is he happy? Whom shall we ask? Whom can we better credit than this very man who has been his friend? Come forth and tell us whether you sleep more quietly now than before you were the friend of Caesar. You presently hear him cry, "Leave off, for Heaven's sake! and do not insult me. You know not the miseries I suffer there is no sleep for me but one comes and says that Caesar is already awake another, that he is just going out. Then follow perturbations, then cares." Well, and when did you use to sup the more pleasantly,- formerly, or now? Hear what he says about this too. When he is not invited, he is distracted and if he is, he sups like a slave with his master, solicitous all the while not to say or do anything foolish. And what think you? Is he afraid of being whipped like a slave? No such easy penalty. No but rather, as becomes so great a man, Caesar's friend, of losing his head. And when did you bathe the more quietly when did you perform your exercises the more at your leisure in short, which life would you rather wish to live, -your present, or the former? I could swear there is no one so stupid and insensible as not to deplore his miseries, in proportion as he is the more the friend of Caesar.

Since, then, neither they who are called kings nor the friends of kings live as they like, who, then, after all, is free? Seek, and you will find for you are furnished by nature with means for discovering the truth. But if you are not able by these alone to find the consequence, hear them who have sought it. What do they say? Do you think freedom a good? "The greatest." Can any one, then, who attains the greatest good be unhappy or unsuccessful in his affairs? " No." As many, therefore, as you see unhappy, lamenting, unprosperous, -confidently pronounce them not free. " I do." Henceforth, then, we have done with buying and selling, and such like stated conditions of becoming slaves. For if these concessions hold, then, whether the unhappy man be a great or a little king, - of consular or bi-consular dignity, - he is not free. " Agreed."

Further, then, answer me this: do you think freedom to be something great and noble and valuable? "How should I not?" Is it possible, then, that he who acquires anything so great and valuable and noble should be of an abject spirit? "It is not." Whenever, then, you see any one subject to another, and flattering him contrary to his own opinion, confidently say that he too is not free and not only when he does this for a supper, but even if it be for a government, nay, a consulship. Call those indeed little slaves who act thus for the sake of little things and call the others, as they deserve, great slaves. "Be this, too, agreed." Well, do you think freedom to be something independent and self-determined? "How can it be otherwise?" Him, then, whom it is in the power of another to restrain or to compel, affirm confidently to be by no means free. And do not heed his grandfathers or great-grandfathers, or inquire whether he has been bought or sold but if you hear him say from his heart and with emotion, "my master," though twelve Lictors should march before him, call him a slave. And if you should hear him say, "Wretch that I am! what do I suffer ! " call him a slave. In short, if you see him wailing, complaining, unprosperous, call him a slave, even in purple.

"Suppose, then, that he does nothing of all this." Do not yet say that he is free but learn whether his principles are in any event liable to compulsion, to restraint, or disappointment and if you find this to be the case, call him a slave, keeping holiday during the Saturnalia. Say that his master is abroad that he will come presently and you will know what he suffers. "Who will come? " Whoever has the power either of bestowing or of taking away any of the things he desires.

"Have we so many masters, then?" We have. For, prior to all such, we have the things themselves for our masters. Now they are many and it is through these that the men who control the things inevitably become our masters too. For no one fears Caesar himself but death, banishment, confiscation, prison, disgrace. Nor does any one love Caesar unless he be a person of great worth but we love riches, the tribunate, the praetorship, the consulship. When we love or hate or fear such things, they who have the disposal of them must necessarily be our masters. Hence we even worship them as gods. For we consider that whoever has the disposal of the greatest advantages is a deity and then further reason falsely, "But such a one has the control of the greatest advantages therefore he is a deity." For if we reason falsely, the final inference must be also false.

What is it, then, that makes a man free and independent? For neither riches, nor consulship, nor the command of provinces nor of kingdoms, can make him so but something else must be found. What is it that keeps any one from being hindered and restrained in penmanship, for instance? " The science of penmanship." In music? "The science of music." Therefore in life too, it must be the science of living. As you have heard it in general, then, consider it likewise in particulars. Is it possible for him to be unrestrained who desires any of those things that are within the power of others? "No." Can he avoid being hindered? "No." Therefore neither can he be free. Consider, then, whether we have nothing or everything in our own sole power, - or whether some things are in our own power and some in that of others. "What do you mean?" When you would have your body perfect, is it in your own power, or is it not? "It is not." When you would be healthy? "It is not." When you would be handsome? "It is not." When you would live or die? "It is not." Body then is not our own but is subject to everything that proves stronger than itself. "Agreed." Well is it in your own power to have an estate when you please, and such a one as you please? "No." Slaves? "No." Clothes? "No." A house? "No." Horses? " Indeed, none of these." Well, if you desire ever so earnestly to have your children live, or your wife, or your brother, or your friends, is it in your own power? " No, it is not."

Will you then say that there is nothing independent, which is in your own power alone, and unalienable? See if you have anything of this sort. "I do not know." But consider it thus: can any one make you assent to a falsehood? " No one." In the matter of assent, then, you are unrestrained and unhindered. "Agreed." Well, and can any one compel you to exert your aims towards what you do not like? "He can. For when he threatens me with death, or fetters, he thus compels me." If, then, you were to despise dying or being fettered, would you any longer regard him? "No." Is despising death, then, an action in our power, or is it not? "It is." Is it therefore in your power also to exert your aims towards anything, or is it not? "Agreed that it is. But in whose power is my avoiding anything? " This, too, is in your own. "What then if, when I am exerting myself to walk, any one should restrain me? What part of you can he restrain? Can he restrain your assent? " No, but my body." Ay, as he may a stone. "Be it so. But still I cease to walk." And who claimed that walking was one of the actions that cannot be restrained? For I only said that your exerting yourself towards it could not be restrained. But wherever the body and its assistance are essential, you have already heard that nothing is in your power. "Be this, too, agreed." And can any one compel you to desire against your Will? "No one." Or to propose, or intend, or, in short, not to be beguiled by the appearances of things? "Nor this. But when I desire anything, he can restrain me from obtaining what I desire." If you desire anything that is truly within your reach, and that cannot be restrained, how can he restrain you? "By no means." And pray who claims that he who longs for what depends on another will be free from restraint?

"May I not long for health, then? " By no means nor for anything else that depends on another for what is not in your own power, either to procure or to preserve when you will, that belongs to another. Keep off not only your hands from it, but even more than these, your desires. Otherwise you have given yourself up as a slave you have put your neck under the yoke, if you admire any of the things which are not your own, but which are subject and mortal, to which of them soever you are attached. " Is not my hand my own?" It is a part of you, but it is by nature clay, liable to restraint, to compulsion a slave to everything stronger than itself. And why do I say, your hand? You ought to hold your whole body but as a useful ass, with a pack-saddle on, so long as may be, so long as it is allowed you. But if there should come a military conscription, and a soldier should lay hold on it, let it go. Do not resist, or murmur otherwise you will be first beaten and lose the ass after all. And since you are thus to regard even the body itself, think what remains to do concerning things to be provided for the sake of the body. If that be an ass, the rest are but bridles, pack-saddles, shoes, oats, hay for him. Let these go too. Quit them yet more easily and expeditiously. And when you are thus prepared and trained to distinguish what belongs to others from your own what is liable to restraint from what is not to esteem the one your own property, but not the other to keep your desire, to keep your aversion, carefully regulated by this point, -whom have you any longer to fear? " No one." For about what should you be afraid, - about what is your own, in which consists the essence of good and evil? And who has any power over this? Who can take it away? Who can hinder you, any more than God can be hindered? But are you afraid for body, for possessions, for what belongs to others, for what is nothing to you? And what have you been studying all this while, but to distinguish between your own and that which is not your own what is in your power and what is not in your power what is liable to restraint and what is not? And for what purpose have you applied to the philosophers, - that you might nevertheless be disappointed and unfortunate? No doubt you will be exempt from fear and perturbation! And what is grief to you? For whatsoever we anticipate with fear, we endure with grief. And for what will you any longer passionately wish? For you have acquired a temperate and steady desire of things dependent on will, since they are accessible and desirable and you have no desire of things uncontrollable by will. so as to leave room for that irrational, and impetuous, and precipitate passion.

Since then you are thus affected with regard to things, what man can any longer be formidable to you? What has man that he can be formidable to man, either in appearance, or speech, or mutual intercourse? No more than horse to horse, or dog to dog, or bee to bee. But things are formidable to every one, and whenever any person can either give these to another, or take them away, he becomes formidable too. "How, then, is this citadel to be destroyed?" Not by sword or fire, but by principle. For if we should demolish the visible citadel, shall we have demolished also that of some fever, of some fair woman,-in short, the citadel [of temptation] within ourselves and have turned out the tyrants to whom we are subject upon all occasions and every day, sometimes the same, sometimes others? From hence we must begin hence demolish the citadel, and turn out the tyrants, -give up body, members, riches, power, fame, magistracies, honors, children, brothers, friends esteem all these as belonging to others. And if the tyrants be turned out from hence, why should I also demolish the external citadel, at least on my own account? For what harm to me from its standing? Why should I turn out the guards? For in what point do they affect me? It is against others that they direct their fasces, their staves, and their swords. Have I ever been restrained from what I willed, or compelled against my will? Indeed, how is this possible? I have placed my pursuits under the direction of God. Is it his will that I should have a fever? It is my will too. Is it his will that I should pursue anything? It is my will too. Is it his will that I should desire? It is my will too. Is it his will that I should obtain anything? It is mine too. Is it not his will? It is not mine. Is it his will that I should be tortured? Then it is my will to be tortured. Is it his will that I should die? Then it is my will to die. Who can any longer restrain or compel me, contrary to my own opinion? No more than Zeus.

It is thus that cautious travellers act. Does some one hear that the road is beset by robbers? He does not set out alone, but waits for the retinue of an ambassador or quaestor or proconsul, and when he has joined himself to their company, goes along in safety. Thus does the prudent man act in the world. There are many robberies, tyrants, storms, distresses, losses of things most dear. Where is there any refuge? How can he go alone unattacked? What retinue can he wait for, to go safely through his journey? To what company shall he join himself, -to some rich man to some consular senator? And what good will that do me? He may be robbed himself, groaning and lamenting. And what if my fellow-traveller himself should turn against me and rob me? What shall I do? I say I will be the friend of Caesar. While I am his companion, no one will injure me, Yet before I can become illustrious enough for this, what must I bear and suffer ! How often, and by how many, must I be robbed ! And then, if I do become the friend of Caesar, he too is mortal and if, by any accident, he should become my enemy, where can I best retreat, -to a desert? Well, and may not a fever come there? What can be done, then? Is it not possible to find a fellow-traveller safe, faithful, brave, incapable of being surprised? A person who reasons thus, understands and considers that if he joins himself to God, he shall go safely through his journey.

"How do you mean, join himself? " That whatever is the will of God may be his will too that whatever is not the will of God may not be his. "How, then, can this be done?" Why, how otherwise than by considering the workings of God's power and his administration? What has he given me to be my own, and independent? What has he reserved to himself? He has given me whatever depends on will. The things within my power he has made incapable of hindrance or restraint. Bat how could he make a body of clay incapable of hindrance? Therefore he has subjected possessions, furniture, house, children, wife, to the revolutions of the universe. Why, then, do I fight against God? Why do I will to retain that which depends not on will that which is not granted absolutely, but how, - in such a manner and for such a time as was thought proper? But he who gave takes away. Why, then, do I resist? Besides being a fool, in contending with a stronger than my self, I shall be unjust, which is a more important consideration. For whence had I these things, when I came into the world? My father gave them to me. And who gave them to him? And who made the sun who the fruits who the seasons who their connection and relations with each other? And after you have received all, and even your very self, from another, are you angry with the giver, and do you complain, if he takes anything away from you? Who are you and for what purpose did you come? Was it not he who brought you here? Was it not he who showed you the light? Hath not he given you companions? Hath not he given you senses? Hath not he given you reason? And as whom did he bring you here? Was it not as a mortal? Was it not as one to live with a little portion of flesh upon earth, and to see his administration to behold the spectacle with him, and partake of the festival for a short time? After having beheld the spectacle and the solemnity, then, as long as it is permitted you, will you not depart when he leads you out, adoring and thankful for what you have heard and seen? "No but I would enjoy the feast still longer." So would the initiated [in the mysteries], too, be longer in their initiation so, perhaps, would the spectators at Olympia see more combatants. But the solemnity is over. Go away. Depart like a grateful and modest person make room for others. Others, too, must be born as you were and when they are born must have a place, and habitations, and necessaries. But if the first do not give way, what room is there left? Why are you insatiable, unconscionable? Why do you crowd the world?

"Ay, but I would have my wife and children with me too." Why, are they yours? Are they not the Giver's? Are they not his who made you also? Will you not then quit what belongs to another? Will you not yield to your Superior? "Why, then, did he bring me into the world upon these conditions?" Well, if it is not worth your while, depart. He has no need of a discontented spectator. He wants such as will share the festival make part of the chorus who will extol, applaud, celebrate the solemnity. He will not be displeased to see the wretched and fearful dismissed from it. For when they were present they did not behave as at a festival, nor fill a proper place, but lamented, found fault with the Deity, with their fortune, with their companions. They were insensible both of their advantages and of the powers which they received for far different purposes, - the powers of magnanimity, nobleness of spirit, fortitude, and that which now concerns us, freedom. "For what purpose, then, have I received these things?" To use them. "How long?" As long as he who lent them pleases. If, then, they are not necessary, do not make an idol of them, and they will not be so do not tell yourself that they are necessary, when they are not.

This should be our study from morning till night beginning with the least and frailest things, as with earthenware, with glassware. Afterwards proceed to a suit of clothes, a dog, a horse, an estate thence to yourself, body, members, children, wife, brothers. Look everywhere around you, and be able to detach yourself from these things. Correct your principles. Permit nothing to cleave to you that is not your own nothing to grow to you that may give you agony when it is torn away. And say, when you are daily training yourself as you do here, not that you act the philosopher, which may be a presumptuous claim, but that you are asserting your freedom. For this is true freedom. This is the freedom that Diogenes gained from Antisthenes, and declared it was impossible that he should ever after be a slave to any one. Hence, when he was taken prisoner, how did he treat the pirates? Did he call any of them master? I do not mean the name, for I am not afraid of a word, but of the disposition from whence the word proceeds. How did he reprove them for feeding their prisoners ill? How was he sold? Did he seek a master? No, but a slave. And when he was sold, how did he converse with his lord? He immediately disputed with him whether he ought to be dressed or shaved in the manner he was and how he ought to bring up his children. And where is the wonder? For if the same master had bought some one to instruct his children in gymnastic exercises, would he in those exercises have treated him as a servant or as a master? And so if he had bought a physician or an architect. In every department the skilful must necessarily be superior to the unskilful. What else, then, can he be but master, who possesses the universal knowledge of life? For who is master in a ship? The pilot. Why? Because whoever disobeys him is a loser. "But a master can put me in chains." Can he do it, then, without being a loser? "I think not, indeed." But because he must be a loser, he evidently must not do it for no one acts unjustly without being a loser. "And how does he suffer, who puts his own slave in chains?" What think you? From the very fact of chaining him. This you yourself must grant, if you would hold to the doctrine that man is not naturally a wild, but a gentle, animal. For when is it that a vine is in a bad condition? "When it is in a condition contrary to its nature." How is it with a cock? "The same." It is therefore the same with a man also. What is his nature, -to bite and kick and throw into prison and cut off heads? No, but to do good, to assist, to indulge the wishes of others. Whether you will or not, then, he is in a bad condition whenever he acts unreasonably. "And so was not Socrates in a bad condition? " No, but his judges and accusers. " Nor Helvidius, at Rome? " No, but his murderer. " How do you talk?" Why, just as you do. You do not call that cock in a bad condition which is victorious, and yet wounded but that which is conquered and comes off unhurt. Nor do you call a dog happy which neither hunts nor toils but when you see him perspiring, and distressed, and panting with the chase. In what do we talk paradoxes? If we say that the evil of everything consists in what is contrary to its nature, is this a paradox? Do you not say it with regard to other things? Why, therefore, in the case of man alone, do you take a different view? But further, it is no paradox to say that by nature man is gentle and social and faithful. "This is none." How then [is it a paradox to say] that, when he is whipped, or imprisoned, or beheaded, he is not hurt? If he suffers nobly, does he not come off even the better and a gainer? But he is the person hurt who suffers the most miserable and shameful evils who, instead of a man, becomes a wolf, a viper, or a hornet.

Come, then let us recapitulate what has been granted. The man who is unrestrained, who has all things in his power as he wills, is free but he who may be restrained or compelled or hindered, or thrown into any condition against his will, is a slave. "And who is unrestrained? " He who desires none of those things that belong to others. "And what are those things which belong to others?" Those which are not in our own power, either to have or not to have or to have them thus or so. Body, therefore, belongs to another its parts to another property to another. If, then, you attach yourself to any of these as your own, you will be punished as he deserves who desires what belongs to others. This is the way that leads to freedom, this the only deliverance from slavery, to be able at length to say, from the bottom of one's soul,-

“Conduct me, Zeus, and thou, O Destiny,
Wherever your decrees have fixed my lot."

But what say you, philosopher? A tyrant calls upon you to speak something unbecoming you. Will you say it, or will you not? "Stay, let me consider." Would you consider now? And what did you use to consider when you were in the schools? Did you not study what things were good and evil, and what indifferent? "I did." Well, and what were the opinions which pleased us? "That just and fair actions were good unjust and base ones, evil." Is living a good? "No." Dying, an evil? "No." A prison? "No." And what did a mean and dishonest speech, the betraying a friend, or the flattering a tyrant, appear to us? "Evils." Why, then, are you still considering, and have not already considered and come to a resolution? For what sort of a consideration is this: "Whether I ought, when it is in my power, to procure myself the greatest good, instead of procuring myself the greatest evil." A fine and necessary consideration, truly, and deserving mighty deliberation ! Why do you trifle with us, man? No one ever needed to consider any such point nor, if you really imagined things fair and honest to be good, things base and dishonest to be evil, and all other things indifferent, would you ever be in such a perplexity as this, or near it but you would presently be able to distinguish by your understanding as you do by your sight. For do you ever have to consider whether black is white, or whether light is heavy? Do you not follow the plain evidence of your senses? Why, then, do you say that you are now considering whether things indifferent are to be avoided, rather than evils? The truth is, you have no principles for things indifferent do not impress you as such, but as the greatest evils and these last, on the other hand, as things of no importance.

For thus has been your practice from the first. "Where am I? If I am in the school and there is an audience, I talk as the philosophers do but if I am out of the school, then away with this stuff that belongs only to scholars and fools." This man is accused by the testimony of a philosopher, his friend this philosopher turns parasite another hires himself out for money a third does that in the very senate. When one is not governed by appearances, then his principles speak for themselves. You are a poor cold lump of prejudice, consisting of mere phrases, on which you hang as by a hair. You should preserve yourself firm and practical, remembering that you are to deal with real things. In what manner do you hear, - I will not say that your child is dead, for how could you possibly bear that?- but that your oil is spilled, your wine consumed? Would that some one, while you are bawling, would only say this: "Philosopher, you talk quite otherwise when in the schools. Why do you deceive us? Why, when you are a worm, do you call yourself a man? " I should be glad to be near one of these philosophers while he is revelling in debauchery, that I might see how he demeans himself, and what sayings he utters whether he remembers the title he bears and the discourses which he hears, or speaks, or reads.

"And what is all this to freedom?" It lies in nothing else than this, - whether you rich people approve or not. "And who affords evidence of this? " Who but yourselves? You who have a powerful master, and live by his motion and nod, and faint away if he does but look sternly upon you, who pay your court to old men and old women, and say, " I cannot do this or that, it is not in my power." Why is it not in your power? Did you not just now contradict me, and say you were free? " But Aprylla has forbidden me." Speak the truth, then, slave, and do not run away from your masters nor deny them, nor dare to assert your freedom, when you have so many proofs of your slavery. One might indeed find some excuse for a person compelled by love to do something contrary to his opinion, even when at the same time he sees what is best without having resolution enough to follow it, since he is withheld by something overpowering, and in some measure divine. But who can bear with you, who are in love with old men and old women, and perform menial offices for them, and bribe them with presents, and wait upon them like a slave when they are sick at the same time wishing they may die, and inquiring of the physician whether their distemper be yet mortal? And again, when for these great and venerable magistracies and honors you kiss the hands of the slaves of others so that you are the slave of those who are not free themselves ! And then you walk about in state, a praetor or a consul. Do I not know how you came to be praetor whence you received the consulship who gave it to you? For my own part, I would not even live, if I must live by Felicio's means, and bear his pride and slavish insolence. For I know what a slave is, blinded by what he thinks good fortune.

" Are you free yourself, then? " you may ask. By Heaven, I wish and pray for it. But I own I cannot yet face my masters. I still pay a regard to my body, and set a great value on keeping it whole though, for that matter, it is not whole. But I can show you one who was free, that you may no longer seek an example. Diogenes was free. " How so?" Not because he was of free parents, for he was not but because he was so in himself because he had cast away all which gives a handle to slavery nor was there any way of getting at him, nor anywhere to lay hold on him, to enslave him. Everything sat loose upon him everything only just hung on. If you took hold on his possessions, he would rather let them go than follow you for them if on his leg, he let go his leg if his body, he let go his body acquaintance, friends, country, just the same. For he knew whence he had them, and from whom, and upon what conditions he received them. But he would never have forsaken his true parents, the gods, and his real country [the universe] nor have suffered any one to be more dutiful and obedient to them than he nor would any one have died more readily for his country than he. He never had to inquire whether he should act for the good of the whole universe for he remembered that everything that exists belongs to that administration, and is commanded by its ruler. Accordingly, see what he himself says and writes. "Upon this account," said he, "O Diogenes, it is in your power to converse as you will with the Persian monarch and with Archidamus, king of the Lacedemonians." Was it because he was born of free parents? Or was it because they were descended from slaves, that all the Athenians, and all the Lacedemonians, and Corinthians, could not converse with them as they pleased but feared and paid court to them? Why then is it in your power, Diogenes? "Because I do not esteem this poor body as my own. Because I want nothing. Because this and nothing else is a law to me." These were the things that enabled him to be free.

And that you may not urge that I show you the example of a man clear of incumbrances, without a wife or children or country or friends or relations, to bend and draw him aside, take Socrates, and consider him, who had a wife and children, but held them not as his own had a country, friends, relations, but held them only so long as it was proper, and in the manner that was proper submitting all these to the law and to the obedience due to it. Hence, when it was proper to fight, he was the first to go out, and exposed himself to danger without the least reserve. But when he was sent by the thirty tyrants to apprehend Leon, because he esteemed it a base action, he did not even deliberate about it though he knew that, perhaps, he might die for it. But what did that signify to him? For it was something else that he wanted to preserve, not his mere flesh but his fidelity, his honor, free from attack or subjection. And afterwards, when he was to make a defence for his life, does he behave like one having children, or a wife? No, but like a single man. And how does he behave, when required to drink the poison? When he might escape, and Crito would have him escape from prison for the sake of his children, what says he? Does he esteem it a fortunate opportunity? How should he? But he considers what is becoming, and neither sees nor regards anything else. " For I am not desirous," he says, " to preserve this pitiful body but that part which is improved and preserved by justice, and impaired and destroyed by injustice." Socrates is not to be basely preserved. He who refused to vote for what the Athenians commanded he who contemned the thirty tyrants he who held such discourses on virtue and moral beauty, - such a man is not to be preserved by a base action, but is preserved by dying, instead of running away. For even a good actor is preserved as such by leaving off when he ought not by going on to act beyond his time. " What then will become of your children? " “If I had gone away into Thessaly, you would have taken care of them and will there be no one to take care of them when I am departed to Hades?” Plato, Crito, i. 5. You see how he ridicules and plays with death. But if it had been you or I, we should presently have proved by philosophical arguments that those who act unjustly are to be repaid in their own way and should have added, "If I escape I shall be of use to many if I die, to none." Nay, if it had been necessary, we should have crept through a mouse-hole to get away. But how should we have been of use to any? Where must they have dwelt? If we were useful alive, should we not be of still more use to mankind by dying when we ought and as we ought? And now the remembrance of the death of Socrates is not less, but even more useful to the world than that of the things which he did and said when alive.

Study these points, these principles, these discourses contemplate these examples if you would be free, if you desire the thing in proportion to its value. And where is the wonder that you should purchase so good a thing at the price of other things, be they never so many and so great? Some hang themselves, others break their necks, and sometimes even whole cities have been destroyed for that which is reputed freedom and will not you for the sake of the true and secure and inviolable freedom, repay God what he hath given when he demands it? Will you not study not only, as Plato says, how to die, but how to be tortured and banished and scourged and, in short, how to give up all that belongs to others? If not, you will be a slave among slaves, though you were ten thousand times a consul and even though you should rise to the palace, you will never be the less so. And you will feel that, though philosophers (as Cleanthes says) do, perhaps, talk contrary to common opinion, yet it is not contrary to reason. For you will find it true, in fact, that the things that are eagerly followed and admired are of no use to those who have gained them while they who have not yet gained them imagine that, if they are acquired, every good will come along with them and then, when they are acquired, there is the same feverishness, the same agitation, the same nausea, and the same desire for what is absent. For freedom is not procured by a full enjoyment of what is desired, but by controlling the desire. And in order to know that this is true, take the same pains about these which you have taken about other things. Hold vigils to acquire a set of principles that will make you free. Instead of a rich old man, pay your court to a philosopher. Be seen about his doors. You will not get any disgrace by being seen there. You will not return empty or unprofited if you go as you ought. However, try at least. The trial is not dishonorable.

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